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Variación dialectal en las oraciones copulativas en español: los adjetivos de edad y tamaño

Keywords: ser, estar, adjective, gradability, individual-level, stage-level, predication, evidentiality, grammaticalization, Mexican Spanish, syntactic americanism, variation, dialectology

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If you are interested, send me an email at norberto.morenoquibe at uah.es // norberto at quiben.net

Keywords: ser, estar, adjective, gradability, individual-level, stage-level, predication, evidentiality, grammaticalization, Galician, copulative, Spanish, Catalan, Portuguese, variation, dialectology

This paper analyzes the properties and distribution of the forms ser and estar when combined with adjectival complements in copular sentences in Iberoromance languages. The paper sets a detailed data paradigm that brings into light several differences between Western Iberian Romance languages (Galician, Portuguese, Castilian) and Eastern ones (like Catalan). The explanation relies on the hypothesis developed in Gumiel-Molina, Moreno-Quibén and Pérez-Jiménez 2015a to account for the properties of the «copula+adjective» structure in Spanish. The specificities shown by Catalan can be explained if one auxiliary hypothesis is assumed: a process of linguistic change is taking place in Catalan so that two estar forms coexist synchronically. Moreover, it will be proposed that the form estar in Western Iberian languages underwent a grammaticalization process that accounts for the fact that the so-called «evidential use of estar » is fully extended in these languages, but not in Catalan.

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The inference of temporal persistence and the individual/stage level distinction: the case of ser vs. estar in Spanish

Keywords: ser, estar, adjective, gradability, individual-level, stage-level, predication, Spanish

In this paper we propose that the differences between ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ predications traditionally associated with the individual-level/stagelevel (IL/SL) distinction (having to do with their differing combinations with adverbs quantifying over situations, locative and temporal modifiers, etc.) can be explained without arguing that ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ sentences have different event/aspect/Aktionsart-related properties. Specifically, we claim that in copular sentences with adjectival complements, the different kinds of elements that build up the comparison class needed to evaluate adjectival properties can account for the IL/SL character of the predication and that, specifically, the IL/SL distinction is linked to the relative/absolute distinction. This proposal,together with the hypothesis that relative adjectives trigger by default an inference of temporal persistence, can account for all the aforementioned differences between ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ sentences. We thus argue for an extension of the explanatory value of the individual/stage-level distinction to the domain of gradability.

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Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction.

Keywords: absolute adjective, relative adjective, predication, Spanish

This study accounts for the unacceptability of individual-level gradable adjectives as depictive secondary predicates on the basis of two factors: a) the semantics of gradable adjectives and b) the pragmatic inference of temporal persistence.

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«Las conjunciones exceptivas»

Keywords: Coordination, Free exceptive, Connected exceptive, Subordination, Ellipsis, Spanish

En este trabajo estudiamos la estructura interna de las construcciones exceptivas (la categoría de la partícula exceptiva y la estructura del constituyente que selecciona) así como el vínculo sintáctico que establecen con la oración que las aloja. Nos centraremos en las construcciones encabezadas por excepto, salvo y menos, puesto que estas piezas léxicas, como señala Bosque (2005) en su trabajo sobre distintos aspectos semánticos de estas construcciones, conforman un conjunto semántica y sintácticamente homogéneo. Comenzaremos en §3 presentando los dos tipos básicos de estructuras a que dan lugar excepto, salvo y menos, denominadas construcciones exceptivas ligadas y construcciones exceptivas libres . En §4 expondremos nuestro análisis sobre la sintaxis de estas estructuras, análisis que puede explicar el problema planteado en la sección anterior, así como otras diferencias entre las estructuras de (1)a y (1)b. La sección 5 recogerá distintos tipos de argumentos que apoyan y justifican nuestro análisis. En §6 recogeremos otros problemas que este trabajo permite plantear para su futura solución.

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A partir del número 73 te espera el infinito

Charles Yang de la Universidad de Pennsilvania ha descubierto que el punto de inflexión para pasar de un sistema de conteo basado en la memorización a otro basado en reglas se sitúa alrededor del número 73. El cálculo está basado en lo que Yang denomina el principio de Tolerancia:

La formulación de una regla R es computacionalmente más efectiva que la memorización de unidades si el número de excepciones no supera el número de palabras de la categoría N dividida por el logaritmo de N (N/lnN)

Source: Penn linguist determines tipping point for children learning to count | Penn Current

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Gumiel-Molina, S., N. Moreno-Quibén and I. Pérez Jiménez: Comparison classes and the relative/absolute distinction: a degree-based compositional account of the ser/estar alternation in Spanish. Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2015) 33: 955. doi:10.1007/s11049-015-9284-x.

Keywords: Adjective, Comparison class, Copula, Degree, Estar, Gradability, Relative, Ser

The notion of comparison class has figured prominently in recent analyses of the gradability properties of adjectives. We assume that the comparison class is introduced by the degree morphology of the adjective and present a new proposal where comparison classes are crucial to explain the distribution of adjectives in Spanish copular sentences headed by the verbs ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’. The copula estar ‘beestar’ appears whenever a gradable adjective merges with a within-individual comparison class, a modifier expressing a property of stages. The copular verb ser ‘beser’ appears when a gradable adjective merges with a between-individuals comparison class, a modifier expressing a property of individuals. The distinction between relative and absolute adjectives can be reduced to the semantic properties of the modifier expressing the comparison class that is merged in the functional structure of the adjective.

Comparison classes and the relative/absolute distinction: a degree-based compositional account of the ser/estar alternation in Spanish

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Jason Stanley. Un digno sucesor para Noam Chomsky.

Source: How free market ideology perverts the vocabulary of democracy | Aeon Opinions

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Vía el blog Faculty of Language un enlace a algunas conferencias recientes de N. Chomsky sobre minimalismo.

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On the syntax of exceptions

Pérez-Jiménez I., and Moreno-Quibén, N. (2012). “On the syntax of exceptions. Evidence from Spanish”. Lingua 122: 6, pp. 582-607.

Keywords: Coordination, Free exceptive, Connected exceptive, Subordination, Ellipsis, Spanish

In this paper we offer a syntactic description of Spanish exceptive constructions headed by excepto, salvo or menos (‘except’). Framing our hypothesis in an adjunction analysis of coordination, we argue that these exceptive markers head a Boolean Phrase, like other coordinating conjunctions. Two types of exceptive phrases can be identified, depending on the level of the constituents conjoined. In connected exceptives two DPs are conjoined. In free exceptives two CPs are conjoined; the exceptive markers select for a full-fledged CP as complement, whose null head (C) triggers a process of ellipsis in which all the syntactic material inside TP is marked for PF-deletion, except the remnant constituent(s). Our proposal supports a structural approach to ellipsis whereby elliptical constituents are in fact fully fledged though non-pronounced syntactic structures. It also supports the hypothesis that the differences in the syntactic behaviour of coordinate sentences and subordinate adverbial clauses cannot be derived from their phrase structure geometry but are instead due to the properties of individual conjunctions.

On the syntax of exceptions

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